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Pat Morris Neff was a Baptist moralist and Wilsonian Democrat who served four years as governor of Texas (1921-1925) in the twilight of the Progressive Era. A talented orator and campaigner, Neff sought to reconcile Progressive labor ideals with a deeply religious view of public duty. He was a strong advocate for the public education system and environmental conservation. Later, he served as president of Baylor University in his hometown, Waco.

Roots and Formation

Born on November 26, 1871, in Coryell County, Neff was raised by Noah and Isabella Neff on a small farm near McGregor. His mother’s faith and discipline became central to his worldview; her later donation of land for Mother Neff State Park symbolized the family’s creed that moral stewardship belonged in both home and government.

Neff graduated from Baylor University in 1894 and earned a law degree from the University of Texas in 1897. He began practicing law in Waco and quickly developed a reputation for clarity, fairness, and fierce advocacy. He married Myrtle Mainer, a fellow Baylor alumna, in 1899.

Early Career and Legislative Reform

Neff’s political career began in 1898, when he was elected to the Texas House of Representatives. Serving until 1905, and as Speaker in his final term, he aligned with the rising Progressive movement: pro-education, anti-monopoly, and sympathetic to organized labor. His Baptist ethics translated into civic responsibility rather than partisan ideology—a blend of moralism and reform that appealed to urban workers as well as rural reformers.

After leaving the legislature, Neff served as McLennan County attorney from 1906 to 1912. He became known for aggressive prosecutions and an austere sense of justice, trying hundreds of cases with few acquittals. Yet even then, his speeches emphasized rehabilitation, education, and temperance—recurring themes in his later policies as governor.

The 1920 Campaign: Reform versus Reaction

Neff had been inactive politically for several years when he decided to run for governor in 1920. He later wrote in a memoir, “No one solicited me to run for Governor. I did not ask permission of anyone to get into the race. Just as a freeborn American, and as a native son of Texas, without a conference with or advice from anyone, I announced my candidacy.”

“Eighteen years had passed since I had been Speaker of the House of Representatives. During this intervening period, I had devoted my time and energies to the practice of law, to the exclusion of any active participation in personal or factional politics. No political alignments, therefore, were mine… No business interests had any concern in, or took any notice of, my candidacy.”1

Neff’s 1920 campaign for governor played out as a clash between two political worlds. His opponent, former U.S. Senator Joseph Weldon Bailey, represented the old Bourbon Democratic order: anti-prohibition, anti-suffrage, and hostile to reform. Neff campaigned from his car across thirty-seven counties, often speaking in churches and union halls alike, framing moral virtue as compatible with social progress.

He declared himself a friend of organized labor and supported the creation of cooperative marketing associations to help Texas farmers. In an era when labor unrest was frequently demonized, Neff’s rhetoric was notable for its restraint and sympathy. His victory over Bailey ended the latter’s political influence and signaled a generational shift in Texas politics—from machine loyalty to a reformist conscience.

A Reform Agenda in Office

Taking office in January 1921, Neff entered with a crowded agenda: improving public schools, reorganizing state agencies, advancing public health, and developing state parks. Education remained central; he increased funding for rural and vocational training and oversaw the founding of Texas Technological College and the reorganization of the state teachers college system in 1923.

His labor record was mixed but earnest. He advocated mediation over confrontation, supported fair wage standards, and promoted industrial peace through education and regulation. His veto of a minimum-wage bill in 1921 drew criticism, but his reasoning was technical—he opposed its narrow exemptions rather than the principle itself. In his own words, a “just and workable” minimum wage remained possible under better legislation.

This text is excerpted from Governor Neff’s 1925 book, The Battles of Peace. It encapsulates his philosophy of labor, advocating for the rights of laborers to organize and earn decent wages.

In fighting the battles of peace the cause of labor must necessarily form an important factor. Labor is of Divine origin. God’s command made it sacred, and His life gave it dignity. “Thou shalt work” is as much a part of the ten commandments as any other thought declared in them. The first man was placed in the Garden and commanded to keep it by honest toil, and when God said to Adam, “In the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread,” He was giving to Adam the gospel of labor that should characterize the human race. The Savior’s hands were calloused with the tools of a carpenter, and the brow of each apostle, as a sturdy son of toil, glistened with the beads of manual labor, nobler jewels than a monarch ever wore.

“The noblest men that live on earth
Are men whose hands are brown with toil;
Who, backed by no ancestral birth,
Hew down the woods and till the soil:
And win thereby a prouder name
Than follows king’s or warrior’s fame.”

Slow as the centuries, and as eternal as the purposes of God have been the mutations out of which the laborer of today has been evolved. He has waged his own battle and dug out his own way to emancipation. For centuries he beat with bare hands against the barred and bolted bulwarks of privilege. Neither the sword, nor the guillotine, nor the inquisition, nor the torch, nor the dungeon, has ever stayed the righteous and resistless march of his cause. The laborer’s subjection, his slavery, his degradations, his emancipations, his advancement, his triumph and his final victory are written with his hands the land of the Pharaohs, and the footprints he left on the sands of time enable us to trace him to those European countries where he made his first great stand and demanded the right to live. Prior to this he had been a willing slave, fettered with golden chains at the oars of gain.

At different times and among different peoples he may have been designated by a different name, but whenever and wherever you see him, whether as a peon, a peasant or a plebeian, whether as a serf, a vassal or an American yeoman, earning his living by the sweat of his brow, you will know him because he will be dressed in homespun, covered with the smut and grime and dust of honest toil, producing and distributing the wealth of the world. He formed an important part of Roman and of Grecian history. He immortalized with his hands the land of the Pharaohs, and the footprints he left on the sands of time enable us to trace him to those European countries where he made his first great stand and demanded the right to live. Prior to this he had been a willing slave, fettered with golden chains at the oars of gain.

In the eleventh century when the Norman banner waved in victory above the battlefield of Hastings, there was inaugurated in England a feudal aristocracy, which for five centuries doomed the laboring man to hopeless and ceaseless labor, while arrogant lords, living idly in halls of splendor, swallowed up the profit of his toil. His effort to better his condition was like the blind groping of Homer’s Cyclops about the walls of his darkened cave. Inheriting in his veins, however, the ruby drops of Anglo-Saxon blood, and gathering inspiration from hope, and resolution from despair, he defied at last the authority of his feudal lord, and in this denial the English Government heard a distant roar and saw the lightning flash on the brow of a coming storm and sought by legislative enactments to drive back to willing serfdom this youthful ambitious giant. He was impoverished by the issuance of base money, robbed by illegal assessments, hampered by the enclosure of the public lands, and starved by the passage of prohibitive corn laws. It was then that “Man’s inhumanity to man made countless thousands mourn.” The cause of labor during these dark and stormy generations was tossed and turned and twisted, but never lost. It was following a stronger law than any human plan.

Denial to the laboring man of the right to live as a man ought to live, produced, as it always will produce, a revolution. In 1688 a war cloud burst above the English throne and caused an English king to lose his crown. The same denial a little later provoked in part a French Revolution, the result of which proclaimed to the world that the working man was a human being and entitled to his freedom. These wars demonstrated that a poor man, as well as a king, could pull a trigger, and that the arrow from the bow of a yeoman could kill the same as a bullet from the gun of a mailed knight, which fact gave added impetus to the right and soon caused liberty to walk with unfettered feet, and truth to speak in the council chamber of the nations with more authority than a Caesar on the Tiber, a Napoleon on the bridge, or a King George on his throne. Wars and public sentiment caused the nations to recognize for the first time that the laboring man had a right at least to contract with his employer for services rendered. This was his first great victory. The eastern sky was now penciled with the rays of coming dawn. The blue curtains of night were lifted and labor for the first time saw through proud and happy tears the golden light that proclaimed the approach of a glorious day.

This bold spirit of freedom, that had gone struggling through the centuries, now half unfettered, defied the crowned heads beyond the sea, and leaping the Atlantic, stood a Puritan on Plymouth Rock. Here, free from Royalty’s blighting breath, he formed a government of his own with religion as its basis, the equality of all men before the law as its highest aim, and the authority to rule vested not in the few but in the many. Here, beneath this western sky, was to be finally solved the great labor problem which for six thousand years had knocked at the door of thought. Here beneath “Old Glory” was to be ushered in that glad era of universal brotherhood foretold by the prophets in the long ago. Here man was to be taught “to feel another’s woe” and “bear another’s burdens.”

The victory was to be won by ballots and not by bullets, by the boys in the workshops and factories and not by the bayonets that bristled from forts and arsenals. It is true that at times some member of a union organization goes wrong, and with a red flag for his emblem, fanaticism for his politics, and dynamite for his weapon marches forth as an enemy to organized government, yet he does not in any way represent the cause of labor.

Many proud empires have gone to dust, but not by the hands of those in the trenches of toil. They were betrayed by those who wore the purple robes of power and they rotted first in the palaces of the nobility. From every tomb of buried splendor and every hall of living knowledge came a warning voice to this young Republic of the West, admonishing it that those who create a country’s wealth should also have some say in its government. But even here labor was opposed by a cavalier spirit inherited from our English forefathers, and for nearly a hundred years the sons of toil were weaving slowly and weaving blindly each for himself his fate, until necessity caused them in one harmonious voice to sing, “United we stand, divided we fall.” With this as their shibboleth they formed their organizations throughout the land, and standing on a platform of principles, and advocating a cause as righteous as ever inspired a patriot’s heart or nerved a hero’s arm, they asked for fewer hours of labor and higher wages, that they might live as men ought to live and care for their own.

These requests in part were granted from time to time, and step by step the cause of labor advanced until with the dawn of the twentieth century it “burst full blossomed on the thorny stem of time,” fulfilling Victor Hugo’s prophecy that the twentieth century was to be the century of humanity. The chasm between wealth and want, between the employer and the employee is growing less as the spirit of cooperation seeks to fulfill the law of the divine teacher, “Bear ye one another’s burdens.”

That it is proper for the laboring men to organize is not a debatable question. It was a call to arms in self-defense. The man who works with brawn and the man who works with brain are brothers. The man who digs a ditch and the man who rules a throne, if personal worth is the same, are equals.

“The rank is but the guinea’s stamp,
A man’s a man for a’ that.”

All men should have time to read, to converse, to think, to become acquainted with wife and children. Without this leisure from the grind of daily toil, man, God’s masterpiece, “bowed with the weight of centuries, and bearing on his back the burdens of the world,” becomes “stolid and stunned, the brother to the ox.”

A nation can never successfully fight the battles of peace or build an enduring civilization unless its leaders reckon with, and merit the confidence of, the shirt-sleeved aristocrats of labor, who by toil and sweat, produce the wealth of the world.

Reform and Restraint

Neff was a “Progressive” in the Wilsonian Democratic sense, not in the sense that the word is used in the 21st century. He advocated for certain reforms but also embraced a law-and-order approach to governing that some modern Progressives might reject. A lifelong prohibitionist, Neff linked social disorder to moral decay. In January 1922, he deployed Texas Rangers and National Guard to the oil boomtown of Mexia to crack down on bootlegging, gambling, prostitution, and robbery.

Later that year, Neff declared martial law in Denison during a violent rail strike. This incident illustrated the limits of Neff’s support for organized labor. Though he supported workers’ rights to organize and strike, he did not tolerate violence. Neff reduced gubernatorial pardons, expanded law enforcement, and strengthened administrative discipline. His administration marked a decline in patronage politics and an early move toward bureaucratic governance.

Much of Neff’s governing agenda was stymied by the legislature. But he succeeded in securing the creation of a state park system and personally donated land, along with his mother, to establish Mother Neff State Park, among the first parks in the state system. His vision for public recreation carried both civic and spiritual overtones—an attempt to sanctify the Texas landscape through stewardship.

Ascent of the Ku Klux Klan

Before and during Neff’s time in office, the Ku Klux Klan enjoyed a resurgence in Texas. Some contemporary critics and historians have associated Neff with the Klan, or at least blamed him for failing to firmly oppose it, describing his silence as a lasting stain on his record.

However, other historians have characterized this view as mistaken.2 Although Neff generally adopted a “policy of silence” regarding the Klan, he privately disapproved of it, and occasionally acted or spoke publicly against it. For example, during the 1921 legislative session, Neff supported a resolution by Representative Wright Patman that implicitly condemned the Ku Klux Klan.

The resolution was merely a moral statement, without policy implications; it condemned masked bands of vigilantes and, implicitly, racial lynchings. Due to Klan influence in the legislature, the resolution was a lost cause, yet Neff spoke in favor of it anyway, saying it targeted “secret organizations organized for the purpose of masking and disguising themselves and violating the laws of this state by inflicting punishment upon persons against whom no legal complaint has been filed.”3 More often, however, Neff avoided questions of race and the Klan.

Neff was neither an outspoken segregationist, nor did he challenge the reigning Jim Crow system. Neff’s silence on the Klan issue contrasted with the stance of his successor, Miriam Ferguson, who ran on an anti-Klan platform. His neutrality on the issue may have helped him win reelection in 1922, at a time when the Klan was gaining in popularity. Neff’s second term was mostly uneventful, marked by consolidation of prior reforms and a quiet style of governance.

Declining a third term in keeping with tradition, he left office in 1925 with a mixed reputation—admired for integrity, criticized for rigidity. Neff was a talented orator given to grand gestures and high ideals. In his farewell address in 1925, he told his successor, Miriam Ferguson,

“When you go down to the office, the people’s office, which a few moments ago I vacated, you will find it cleared of all except three things. I left hanging above your chair for that help, help and inspiration that comes from lofty ideals and sacrificial service, the portrait of Woodrow Wilson. By your side you will observe a white flower, emblematic, I hope, of the pure motives that shall prompt your every act. On your desk you will find the open Bible with this verse marked: ‘They word is a lamp unto my feet, and a light unto my path.’ This Book of Books is my gift to you and to all your successors in office for their chart and comps while directing the ship of state.”4

Notwithstanding Neff’s hopes and blessings, his successor’s administration ended up being marred by credible allegations of corruption.

Later Public Service

After leaving office, Neff remained active in civic and educational causes. He chaired the Texas Education Survey Commission (1925–26), served as president of the Baptist General Convention of Texas (1926–28), and led the Texas Watersheds Association in the late 1930s.

In 1927 President Calvin Coolidge appointed him to the United States Board of Mediation, which handled labor disputes in interstate commerce. Two years later, Governor Dan Moody named him to the Texas Railroad Commission, one of the state’s most powerful regulatory bodies. Neff served there until January 1, 1933, gaining a reputation for fairness and efficiency.

Neff photographed at a hotel in San Diego during an exposition that he attended in 1935 (Los Angeles Times Photographic Collection at the UCLA Library).

He was occasionally considered for higher office, including for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1924, but he declined both opportunities.

President of Baylor University

In 1932, Neff accepted the presidency of Baylor University, inheriting a financially strained institution during the Great Depression. His administrative discipline, shaped by years of public service, stabilized the university and laid groundwork for its later expansion.

Enrollment quadrupled during his tenure, and the campus doubled in size. Yet Neff’s emphasis on moral order continued to define his leadership. He enforced strict behavioral codes, curbed perceived excesses, and often spoke of education as a sacred trust rather than an intellectual experiment.

During his final years at Baylor, Neff also served as president of the Southern Baptist Convention (1942-1945), which eventually became the largest Christian denomination in the United States.

In 1947, at age seventy-six, he stepped down as president of Baylor and was named president emeritus.

Neff died in Waco on January 20, 1952, and was buried in Oakwood Cemetery. His wife, Myrtle, survived him by a year. Baylor’s Pat Neff Hall, the university’s main administration building, is named in his honor. Mother Neff State Park, located southwest of Waco, is named in honor of the governor’s mother, Isabel Neff, who donated land for the creation of a state park.


  1. Pat M. Neff, The Battles of Peace (Fort Worth: Pioneer Publishing Company, 1925), 7. ↩︎
  2. Mark Stanley, Booze, Boomtowns, and Burning Crosses: The Turbulent Governorship of Pat M. Neff of Texas, 1921–1925 (Master’s thesis, University of North Texas, 2005), https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4834/m2/1/high_res_d/thesis.pdf ↩︎
  3. “Nine Representatives Sign Resolution Denouncing Work of Masked Bands,” Austin Statesman, July 24, 1921; “Klan Debate Stirs House,” Austin Statesman , July 25, 1921; “Governor Neff Paves Way for Anti-Masker Legislation, Austin Statesman , Aug. 1, 1921. ↩︎
  4. Neff, Battles of Peace, 269–70. ↩︎